The Transformation of the Liberal International Order [electronic resource] : Evolutions and Limitations / edited by Yuichi Hosoya, Hans Kundnani.
Erişim Adresi
ISBN
9789819947294
Dil Kodu
İngilizce
Yer Numarası
DK/20624
Basım Bildirimi
1st ed. 2024.
Yayın Bilgisi
Singapore : Springer Nature Singapore : Imprint: Springer, 2024.
Fiziksel Niteleme
XII, 132 p. 3 illus., 2 illus. in color. online resource.
Dizi
SpringerBriefs in International Relations, 2731-3360
İçindekiler Notu
Introduction -- American Strategy and the Liberal International Order -- East Asia, Europe and the High Sea: The Geostrategic Trinity of the U.S. led order -- The EU’s Connectivity Strategy 2.0: Global Gateway in the Indo-Pacific -- Germany’s Indo-Pacific Turn: Evolving Approaches and the Rules-based Order -- France’s Indo-Pacific approach: Salvaging the rules-based order and staying relevant -- India, the Quad, and the Liberal International Order -- Countering Chinese Economic Coercion and Corrosive Capital in Southeast Asia -- The Challenge of China in the Liberal International Order -- Northeast Asia’s Energy Transition - Challenges for a Rules-based Security and Economic Order -- Post-Covid Liberal International Order -- The Limits of the Liberal International Order?
Özet, vb.
This open access book aims to emphasize the potential for Japan, Europe and Indo-Pacific countries including the US to respond to shared domestic and international challenges on finding joint ways to uphold and develop the liberal international order (LIO) in the Asian Pacific region and the world. It explores how these countries and the region (the EU) can work together to promote solidarity and cooperation to advance democratic standards and rules-based norms globally. The US understands the LIO in a political sense and centers its focus on democracy, aiming to build a coalition of democracies opposed to China and Russia which represent a kind of authoritarian axis. The US aims both to defend the LIO and respond to the China challenge and to build a coalition of countries that will do both. In contrast European countries aim at defending the “rules-based order”—a term preferred because they fear that the concept of the LIO might alienate or antagonize non-democratic countries. They face a dilemma between working with China to reform the LIO or, in seeking to defend it from China, excluding China. Germany and France differ regarding whether to play a passive or active role in the Indo-Pacific, the former choosing to preserve peace and stability for continued exports, and, until recently, doing little to contribute to security. Its views echo those of the ASEAN countries, which are unable or unwilling to take an active role in protecting the LIO. On the contrary France, along with the UK, actively carries out presence operations in the Indo-Pacific. Rather than upholding US dominance, France supports a multipolar order that will also reduce China’s influence in the region, with France acting as a balancing power and offering an alternative to the choice between China and the United States. Japan and India show interest in European views with the former leaning more toward its allies, the US and AUKUS, and the latter seeing Europe less as an alternativeto the status quo and more as a complement of QUAD. This book concludes that the US needs to build coalitions rather than forcing allies and neighbors to choose sides, while Japan, Asian countries, and Europeans should more actively reform the LIO.
Konu
Globalization.
International economic integration.
Diplomacy.
Regionalism.
Political science.
Globalization.
Economic Aspects of Globalization.
Diplomacy.
Regionalism.
Governance and Government.
International economic integration.
Diplomacy.
Regionalism.
Political science.
Globalization.
Economic Aspects of Globalization.
Diplomacy.
Regionalism.
Governance and Government.
Diğer Yazarlar
Kurum Adı
Eseri Alıntıla
Referansları kullanmadan önce gözden geçirmeniz ve varsa gerekli düzeltmeleri yapmanız önerilir.
Dijital Kaynak
MARC Görünümü
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506 0 |aOpen Access
520 |aThis open access book aims to emphasize the potential for Japan, Europe and Indo-Pacific countries including the US to respond to shared domestic and international challenges on finding joint ways to uphold and develop the liberal international order (LIO) in the Asian Pacific region and the world. It explores how these countries and the region (the EU) can work together to promote solidarity and cooperation to advance democratic standards and rules-based norms globally. The US understands the LIO in a political sense and centers its focus on democracy, aiming to build a coalition of democracies opposed to China and Russia which represent a kind of authoritarian axis. The US aims both to defend the LIO and respond to the China challenge and to build a coalition of countries that will do both. In contrast European countries aim at defending the “rules-based order”—a term preferred because they fear that the concept of the LIO might alienate or antagonize non-democratic countries. They face a dilemma between working with China to reform the LIO or, in seeking to defend it from China, excluding China. Germany and France differ regarding whether to play a passive or active role in the Indo-Pacific, the former choosing to preserve peace and stability for continued exports, and, until recently, doing little to contribute to security. Its views echo those of the ASEAN countries, which are unable or unwilling to take an active role in protecting the LIO. On the contrary France, along with the UK, actively carries out presence operations in the Indo-Pacific. Rather than upholding US dominance, France supports a multipolar order that will also reduce China’s influence in the region, with France acting as a balancing power and offering an alternative to the choice between China and the United States. Japan and India show interest in European views with the former leaning more toward its allies, the US and AUKUS, and the latter seeing Europe less as an alternativeto the status quo and more as a complement of QUAD. This book concludes that the US needs to build coalitions rather than forcing allies and neighbors to choose sides, while Japan, Asian countries, and Europeans should more actively reform the LIO.
532 8 |aAccessibility summary: This PDF does not fully comply with PDF/UA standards, but does feature limited screen reader support, described non-text content (images, graphs), bookmarks for easy navigation and searchable, selectable text. Users of assistive technologies may experience difficulty navigating or interpreting content in this document. We recognize the importance of accessibility, and we welcome queries about accessibility for any of our products. If you have a question or an access need, please get in touch with us at accessibilitysupport@springernature.com.
532 8 |aNo reading system accessibility options actively disabled
532 8 |aPublisher contact for further accessibility information: accessibilitysupport@springernature.com
650 0|aGlobalization.
650 0|aInternational economic integration.
650 0|aDiplomacy.
650 0|aRegionalism.
650 0|aPolitical science.
650 14|aGlobalization.
650 24|aEconomic Aspects of Globalization.
650 24|aDiplomacy.
650 24|aRegionalism.
650 24|aGovernance and Government.
700 1 |aHosoya, Yuichi.|eeditor.|4edt|4http://id.loc.gov/vocabulary/relators/edt
700 1 |aKundnani, Hans.|eeditor.|4edt|4http://id.loc.gov/vocabulary/relators/edt
710 2 |aSpringerLink (Online service)
773 0 |tSpringer Nature eBook
776 08|iPrinted edition:|z9789819947287
776 08|iPrinted edition:|z9789819947300
830 0|aSpringerBriefs in International Relations,|x2731-3360
856 40|uhttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4729-4
912 |aZDB-2-POS
912 |aZDB-2-SXPI
912 |aZDB-2-SOB
950 |aPolitical Science and International Studies (SpringerNature-41174)
950 |aPolitical Science and International Studies (R0) (SpringerNature-43724)
001 819417
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005 20260130173904
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020 |a9789819947294|9978-981-99-4729-4
024 7 |a10.1007/978-981-99-4729-4|2doi
041 |aeng
049 |aTürk Tarih Kurumu Kütüphanesi
050 4|aJZ1317.5-1324
072 7|aJFFS|2bicssc
072 7|aPOL033000|2bisacsh
072 7|aGTQ|2thema
082 04|a327.1|223
090 |aDK/20624
245 14|aThe Transformation of the Liberal International Order|h[electronic resource] :|bEvolutions and Limitations /|cedited by Yuichi Hosoya, Hans Kundnani.
250 |a1st ed. 2024.
264 1|aSingapore :|bSpringer Nature Singapore :|bImprint: Springer,|c2024.
300 |aXII, 132 p. 3 illus., 2 illus. in color.|bonline resource.
336 |atext|btxt|2rdacontent
337 |acomputer|bc|2rdamedia
338 |aonline resource|bcr|2rdacarrier
341 0 |bTable of contents navigation|2onix
341 0 |bSingle logical reading order|2onix
341 0 |bShort alternative textual descriptions|2onix
341 0 |bUse of color is not sole means of conveying information|2onix
341 0 |bUse of high contrast between text and background color|2onix
341 0 |bNext / Previous structural navigation|2onix
341 0 |bAll non-decorative content supports reading without sight|2onix
347 |atext file|bPDF|2rda
490 1 |aSpringerBriefs in International Relations,|x2731-3360
505 0 |aIntroduction -- American Strategy and the Liberal International Order -- East Asia, Europe and the High Sea: The Geostrategic Trinity of the U.S. led order -- The EU’s Connectivity Strategy 2.0: Global Gateway in the Indo-Pacific -- Germany’s Indo-Pacific Turn: Evolving Approaches and the Rules-based Order -- France’s Indo-Pacific approach: Salvaging the rules-based order and staying relevant -- India, the Quad, and the Liberal International Order -- Countering Chinese Economic Coercion and Corrosive Capital in Southeast Asia -- The Challenge of China in the Liberal International Order -- Northeast Asia’s Energy Transition - Challenges for a Rules-based Security and Economic Order -- Post-Covid Liberal International Order -- The Limits of the Liberal International Order?
506 0 |aOpen Access
520 |aThis open access book aims to emphasize the potential for Japan, Europe and Indo-Pacific countries including the US to respond to shared domestic and international challenges on finding joint ways to uphold and develop the liberal international order (LIO) in the Asian Pacific region and the world. It explores how these countries and the region (the EU) can work together to promote solidarity and cooperation to advance democratic standards and rules-based norms globally. The US understands the LIO in a political sense and centers its focus on democracy, aiming to build a coalition of democracies opposed to China and Russia which represent a kind of authoritarian axis. The US aims both to defend the LIO and respond to the China challenge and to build a coalition of countries that will do both. In contrast European countries aim at defending the “rules-based order”—a term preferred because they fear that the concept of the LIO might alienate or antagonize non-democratic countries. They face a dilemma between working with China to reform the LIO or, in seeking to defend it from China, excluding China. Germany and France differ regarding whether to play a passive or active role in the Indo-Pacific, the former choosing to preserve peace and stability for continued exports, and, until recently, doing little to contribute to security. Its views echo those of the ASEAN countries, which are unable or unwilling to take an active role in protecting the LIO. On the contrary France, along with the UK, actively carries out presence operations in the Indo-Pacific. Rather than upholding US dominance, France supports a multipolar order that will also reduce China’s influence in the region, with France acting as a balancing power and offering an alternative to the choice between China and the United States. Japan and India show interest in European views with the former leaning more toward its allies, the US and AUKUS, and the latter seeing Europe less as an alternativeto the status quo and more as a complement of QUAD. This book concludes that the US needs to build coalitions rather than forcing allies and neighbors to choose sides, while Japan, Asian countries, and Europeans should more actively reform the LIO.
532 8 |aAccessibility summary: This PDF does not fully comply with PDF/UA standards, but does feature limited screen reader support, described non-text content (images, graphs), bookmarks for easy navigation and searchable, selectable text. Users of assistive technologies may experience difficulty navigating or interpreting content in this document. We recognize the importance of accessibility, and we welcome queries about accessibility for any of our products. If you have a question or an access need, please get in touch with us at accessibilitysupport@springernature.com.
532 8 |aNo reading system accessibility options actively disabled
532 8 |aPublisher contact for further accessibility information: accessibilitysupport@springernature.com
650 0|aGlobalization.
650 0|aInternational economic integration.
650 0|aDiplomacy.
650 0|aRegionalism.
650 0|aPolitical science.
650 14|aGlobalization.
650 24|aEconomic Aspects of Globalization.
650 24|aDiplomacy.
650 24|aRegionalism.
650 24|aGovernance and Government.
700 1 |aHosoya, Yuichi.|eeditor.|4edt|4http://id.loc.gov/vocabulary/relators/edt
700 1 |aKundnani, Hans.|eeditor.|4edt|4http://id.loc.gov/vocabulary/relators/edt
710 2 |aSpringerLink (Online service)
773 0 |tSpringer Nature eBook
776 08|iPrinted edition:|z9789819947287
776 08|iPrinted edition:|z9789819947300
830 0|aSpringerBriefs in International Relations,|x2731-3360
856 40|uhttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4729-4
912 |aZDB-2-POS
912 |aZDB-2-SXPI
912 |aZDB-2-SOB
950 |aPolitical Science and International Studies (SpringerNature-41174)
950 |aPolitical Science and International Studies (R0) (SpringerNature-43724)
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